The recent spike in violence between India and Pakistan has once again stirred longstanding regional anxieties. But for Türkiye, a country geographically removed from South Asia yet diplomatically entwined in its politics, the fallout is becoming increasingly tangible. In the aftermath of the April terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, which claimed the lives of several Indian tourists, India-Türkiye relations have entered one of their most fragile phases in recent memory.

At the heart of the diplomatic chill lies Ankara’s response – or perceived lack of balance – in addressing the attack and India’s retaliation. New Delhi expects further understanding from Türkiye on the terror attack it suffered recently, said Raja Mohan, senior fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, adding that India is aware of the traditional ties that Ankara and Islamabad enjoy. He elaborated that specific to this case, India is looking for increased solidarity.

The Indian government, still reeling from the attack and under growing public pressure, has found Ankara’s stance difficult to overlook. The Indian public responded swiftly, launching grassroots campaigns to boycott Turkish products, services and tourism. Hashtags calling for a ban on Turkish airlines, consumer goods and cultural products have gained traction across Indian social media platforms. Some Indian tour operators have reportedly halted offerings to Türkiye altogether.

“The Indian public has been deeply affected by the terror attack,” Mohan added, “and is angry at Türkiye’s support to Pakistan – both diplomatic and military. The boycott reflects a genuine popular outrage.”

A history of friction

Though Türkiye and India share historic civilizational ties and have cooperated in trade, culture and disaster relief, recent years have exposed deep fault lines – especially over the Kashmir issue. Ankara’s consistent expressions of solidarity with Islamabad, often voiced at forums such as the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) or the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), have not gone unnoticed in New Delhi.

Türkiye’s support to Pakistan has strained ties at the political level, said Anil Trigunayat, a former Indian ambassador and expert on West Asia.

He also recalled the goodwill India extended to Türkiye during the 2023 earthquakes, when New Delhi was among the first to send rescue teams and aid. “India believes in the philosophy of ‘vasudhaiva kutumbakam’ – the world is one family. But that spirit is hard to sustain when Türkiye seems insensitive to India’s terrorism-related concerns.”

Despite this political unease, bilateral economic relations had been on an upward trajectory, with India ranking among the top five trade partners of Türkiye in Asia. Turkish construction firms are active in India, and bilateral trade hit approximately $12 billion in 2024, according to industry estimates.

Yet the current backlash threatens to disrupt that growth. Indian companies are said to be reviewing supply chain dependencies and tourism flows from India to Türkiye – which once numbered over 200,000 Indian visitors annually – have already seen sharp declines in recent months.

Experts caution that Ankara’s one-dimensional alignment with Pakistan could come at a strategic cost, especially as India cements its position as the world’s fourth-largest economy and a major geopolitical force.

“India understands Türkiye’s special relationship with Pakistan,” Mohan said, indicating that it must not seem as if Ankara takes on a one-sided approach.

India’s Ambassador to Türkiye, Muktesh Pardeshi, told Daily Sabah that Türkiye’s “terror-free Türkiye” initiative and India’s policy of “zero-tolerance for terrorism” do indeed converge and that both countries have an understanding of suffering decades-long cross-border terrorism. The two countries have also mechanisms on countering terrorism on the diplomatic level.

Trigunayat echoed the sentiment: “If Islam is the only factor behind Ankara’s affection, it’s worth recalling that India has more Muslims than any country except Indonesia. A more nuanced approach would serve Türkiye’s interests far better.”

Call for realignment

There is still room for recalibration. Both countries benefit from shared interests in energy, technology, infrastructure and global governance and despite tensions, no major policy shift or sanctions have been announced by either government. But the public backlash in India, if left unaddressed, could harden into long-term resistance among Indian consumers and policymakers alike.

“A mutually respectful and sensitive relationship between India and Türkiye is in both nations’ interest,” Trigunayat emphasized. “Türkiye, as a sovereign nation, can choose its allies”, he said adding that Ankara can caution Pakistan on countering terrorism.

For Ankara, the challenge is not merely about choosing sides, but rather understanding the regional and domestic consequences of its positions. The erosion of trust with India – a potential economic and strategic partner – could widen if perceived insensitivities persist. Conversely, a more balanced and empathetic approach could stabilize ties and open the door for future cooperation on shared global priorities, including climate change, energy security and counterterrorism.

As the dust settles in Kashmir, it remains to be seen whether Türkiye will reassess its diplomatic posture or whether India’s disappointment will solidify into a broader strategic reorientation away from Ankara.